Street One

11 Dec 18
peoples trust toronto

https://ift.tt/2LfS4rO The idea that a “Deep State” exists inside the federal government rose to prominence during the first 100 days of President Trump’s administration. An ABC News/Washington Post poll of 2017 showed that nearly half the people in America believe a Deep State — defined as “military, intelligence and government officials who try to secretly manipulate government […]

11 Dec 18
Trendy Craze

Police responded to gunfire near the city center in Strasbourg, France on Tuesday, December 11. According to a"police statement":https://twitter.com/Prefet67/status/1072591895463903234, at least ten have been hospitalized and one killed after a gunman opened fire on Rue des Orfèvres. Police asked residents of the Neudorf quartier of the city to shelter-in-place. A police operation is reportedly underway […]

11 Dec 18
Lauren Ryan

One of the first and primary steps within a business plan is figuring out who your market is.  Any modern-day entrepreneur can have an innovative idea.  However, without a market of consumers there is no profit or potential for success.  Identifying a market and how to reach said market can be an expensive and time-consuming activity […]

11 Dec 18
nature and camera

From the first moment I started as a Dreamstime contributor in 2010 I concentrated on wildlife photography, my background had always been related to nature, wildlife and generally speaking, anything alive as I like to say. During those years I think that I was using my camera and long lens just like a hunter uses […]

11 Dec 18
Staging The Text

This week, I have had a chance to read through the text and have a greater understanding of the plot and the motivations behind the characters. Delarivier Manley was a pioneer of feminist writings, often using satire as a foundation upon which she could delve deeper into exploring sexual and gender politics in her playwrighting. […]

11 Dec 18
coffee got me

                                                                             Image link A walk in Port-of-Spain. Let’s start with Memorial Park which is located around the Queen’s […]

11 Dec 18
Manchester Ink Link

Student representatives from schools across the state will be challenged to complete advanced coding missions involving virtual, 3-D animated robots, including one Manchester school, Founders Academy charter school.

11 Dec 18
Ali Grace Hartman

1. get a travel credit card! Earlier this year i decided to get a Southwest Credit Card and it was one of the best decisions ever. You get 40,000 points when you sign up (if you use this link here you can get 50,000 points when you sign up) and I used those points for 6 of […]

11 Dec 18
East Bay Times
The Democrats who flipped congressional seats across California this year rode to victory on a wave of cash from outside their districts, a Bay Area News Group analysis of newly released fundraising reports found. More than 90 percent of the total money that the seven victorious Democrats raised from individual itemized donors came from outside their GOP-held districts, according to the review of Federal Election Commission data. Four of them raised more than 95 percent outside their districts, and one, incoming Central Valley congressman TJ Cox, received more than 99 percent of his haul from elsewhere in California and the country. In almost every race, Republican candidates raised a larger percentage of their individual itemized donations from in-district donors than their Democratic challengers — a sign that the Democrats were better able to harness attention on the state’s congressional battlegrounds from around the nation. And several of the candidates found huge success fundraising from the Bay Area in particular. “We saw an explosion in online national fundraising this cycle that Republicans weren’t able to take advantage of,” said Maclen Zilber, a Democratic political consultant in Los Angeles who worked on several congressional campaigns this year. “That is a problem Republicans are going to have to rectify if they want to be competitive in future campaigns.” The incoming flow of outsider cash played a big role in the Democrats’ success taking back the majority in the House of Representatives, including historic wins in California, where newcomer Democrats claimed Republican-held seats in some of the Golden State’s most conservative strongholds. The calculations don’t include most smaller donations of $200 or less, which campaigns aren’t required to report individually. The Democrats mostly had a higher portion of small-dollar donations than their opponents: Cox, for example, received about 23 percent of his funds from small dollar contributions, while those donations made up less than 7 percent of the fundraising haul for his opponent, Republican Rep. David Valadao. Republicans also got a larger portion of their money from political action committees instead of individual donors. The only Democratic candidate who took in a higher percentage of their total locally than their Republican opponent was Orange County law professor Katie Porter. She raised 13.8 percent of her haul in individual contributions from her district, while incumbent Rep. Mimi Walters got 11 percent. The Democrats actually raised more money than the Republicans from within their districts — they just raised a whole lot more from outside as well. Of the $25.5 million total that the Democratic candidates raised in individual itemized donations, only $2.4 million came from within their respective districts, or 9.5 percent. The Republican candidates, in comparison, raised $2.1 million of their total $10 million from within their districts, or 21 percent. The lopsided percentages left some Republicans grumbling. Lydia Kanno, the president of Modesto Republican Women, said she doubted Democrat Josh Harder would have defeated incumbent Central Valley Republican Rep. Jeff Denham without his massive fundraising advantage — more than 95 percent of which came from outside the district. “His money came from people who don’t care at all about our district, they just want to have this seat and win Congress,” Kanno said. Several of the Democratic victors reaped big totals from the Bay Area in particular: Nearly 60 percent of the total that Harder raised from specific individuals came from the region. His Modesto-area district borders the Bay Area and has many residents who commute back and forth, and he worked as a venture capital investor in San Francisco before moving home to Turlock to run for Congress. “We drive across district lines to go to work or take our kids to school,” Zilber said. “It doesn’t necessarily mean that there isn’t a shared community of interest there.” In all, Bay Area donors gave $7.4 million to the seven Democrats. Doug Linney, a strategist with the Democratic group Flip the 14, said he had never seen Democratic congressional campaigns from elsewhere in California make as strong an effort to raise funds in the Bay Area. Candidates held multiple in-person fundraising events, for example, in his hometown of Alameda. “I’d barely ever seen any fundraisers for congressional candidates around here in the past,” Linney said. One reason for the prevalence of outsider money: Almost all the Democratic contenders were first-time candidates who didn’t have established donor bases. Many of the GOP incumbents, on the other hand, had been in Congress or other elected offices for years and had built relationships with local donors. Democratic candidates running in wealthier districts, like the Orange County’s 45th and 48th, also tended to get a larger chunk of their cash from close to home, while those in poorer districts like the Central Valley’s 10th and 21st had far more out-of-district fundraising. Among out-of-state urban areas, Democrats got their most money from New York, Washington, D.C., Chicago, Seattle, and Philadelphia while Republicans got the most from Washington, New York, Miami, Las Vegas and Chicago. While the Democratic fundraising advantage at the campaign level was important, both parties also benefited from huge spending by independent groups bankrolled by out-of-state billionaires like casino magnate Sheldon Adelson and former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg. They each gave millions of dollars to super PACs that don’t have donation limits. Now, California Republican operatives picking up the pieces are wondering how they can reverse the Democratic candidates’ cash advantage in future elections. “For a member of Congress to have the advantage of the incumbency and still be outspent in some cases three, four or five to one is overwhelming,” said Matt Rexroad, a GOP strategist who worked on Rep. Steve Knight’s losing Los Angeles County campaign. He singled out the impact of online fundraising tools like ActBlue, which makes it easy for fired-up Democrats to send small online donations to candidates across the country with just a few clicks. Those donors included Lizzy LeRud, a 33-year-old postdoctoral fellow studying American poetry at Emory University in Atlanta, who sent $250 each to California Democrats Katie Porter and Katie Hill in October. Lerud, who had never made political donations before this year, decided to support female candidates like the two Katies in the wake of Brett Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court confirmation hearing — and was surprised at how simple it was to give money through ActBlue. “I understand that women don’t traditionally get the party funds and could use the outside support,” Lerud said. “I guess I’m part of a wave.” Methodology: We downloaded the list of 2017-18 individual itemized contributions for each candidate in California’s seven flipped districts from the Federal Election Commission. FEC reports do not specify which district a donor lives in, so we analyzed each donor’s address to determine whether they were giving to their local race or not. First, we used each donor’s ZIP Code Tabulation Area based on a table published by the U.S. Census Bureau. In cases where a donor’s ZIP code overlapped multiple congressional districts, which is fairly common, we used Google’s Civic Information API to search by street address and the House of Representatives website to search using the more precise nine-digit ZIP code, when available. Donors who reported post office boxes as addresses were excluded from the analysis, as were a small portion of other donors whose addresses could not be accurately matched to a congressional district. Donations and loans from the candidates themselves were also excluded.
11 Dec 18
BREAKER
You can’t avoid a certain grudging respect for Mike Novogratz. Over the past couple of years, the investor has made the right predictions about crypto markets again and again—he’s just failed to actually use those calls to make any money for customers. Yet he keeps on plugging away, and according to a new interview with Bloomberg, he’s still convinced “bitcoin is going to be digital gold.” Maybe it’s because he feels #blessed: Novogratz made a $7 million personal bet on bitcoin in 2013 that even he attributes to a kind of dumb luck. According to a recent, excellent New Yorker profile, he’s prone to calling himself the “Forrest Gump of bitcoin.” Things got more serious in September of 2017, when Novogratz started talking about founding a crypto hedge fund, saying at the same time that crypto could be the “largest bubble of our lifetimes.” That sounds about right. Unfortunately, Novogratz must have been busy getting his head waxed for the next two months, since come December 22nd he was shelving the idea of the fund. In explaining the decision, he declared that the price of bitcoin—which had peaked near $20,000 just three days before—would continue sliding all the way to $8,000. OK, so he’d missed something like 4x returns in two months by not spinning up a fund. But hey, I’ve never started a hedge fund; I assume it involves some paperwork. At least he pretty much precisely called the top of the market, and predicted exactly what the next five months would look like (bitcoin dropped to around $8,000 by May of this year). We should probably keep listening to this guy! Except he seems to have a hard time actually listening to himself. Almost immediately after calling the market top and giving up on a crypto hedge fund, he started up a crypto merchant bank, Galaxy Digital. Mostly thanks to buying bitcoin, ETH, and XRP while the market was in its long slide, and despite presumably sophisticated trading strategies, the operation lost $136 million, more than 50% of managed assets, in nine months. In his new talk with Bloomberg, Novogratz blamed a lot of that on buying what he thought were bottoms—Ether at $400, bitcoin at $6,200—then watching them keep sliding. As the kids put it, DOUBLE KILL. This isn’t Novogratz’s first time at the losing-a-ton-of-money rodeo. His adventure with crypto began after his 2015 exit from mainstream Wall Street, when he hit a big losing streak as a hedge-fund manager at Fortress Capital Management. And that wasn’t his first failure—that would be his 2000 departure from Goldman Sachs, for reasons that remain opaque but which Novogratz has attributed to “partying like a rock star.” But he came back from all that, and says he feels destined to come back from his crypto losses. In today’s Bloomberg interview, in addition to reaffirming his core faith in crypto, Novogratz reveals that Galaxy’s strategy hasn’t changed “as dramatically as one would think,” and that he thinks they’ll at least break even in 2019. “I keep telling my guys we’re a surfer getting ourselves in shape for when the next wave comes,” he elaborates. “And when the wave comes we’d better be the Laird Hamilton of crypto.” Novogratz doesn’t seem like a bad guy. He’s a major backer of both the A.C.L.U. and The Bail Project, a noble effort to fight the cash-bail system. And his ability to brush off failure and look toward the future is not so much delusional as a fundamental trait of a certain kind of investor. Failures like Novogratz’s are a constant on Wall Street, even during good times, and retaining your convictions after getting “blown up” (losing big) may be all that separates good traders from bad ones. Novogratz even seems self-aware about his own varied shortcomings: in a self-mocking mode, he confessed to the New Yorker that he experienced constant delusions of grandeur while on a meditation retreat. After all that, the question becomes why the rest of us spend so much energy listening to him. For a time, it made sense: the crypto community was hungry for legitimation from a Wall Street veteran, even a slightly tarnished one. (It’s the same sort of conflicted impulse that leads a gang of cypherpunks to dream of an SEC-approved ETF). But in the end, it’s pretty clear that Novogratz may not understand crypto markets any better than the rest of us.
11 Dec 18

Uber has reportedly picked Morgan Stanley to lead its upcoming initial public offering, news of which became public last week when the ride-hailing giant filed confidentially with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission for an IPO expected in the first quarter of 2019. Uber’s choice, first reported by Bloomberg, comes after a months-long bidding war, of sorts, […]

11 Dec 18
The Mercury News
The Democrats who flipped congressional seats across California this year rode to victory on a wave of cash from outside their districts, a Bay Area News Group analysis of newly released fundraising reports found. More than 90 percent of the total money that the seven victorious Democrats raised from individual itemized donors came from outside their GOP-held districts, according to the review of Federal Election Commission data. Four of them raised more than 95 percent outside their districts, and one, incoming Central Valley congressman TJ Cox, received more than 99 percent of his haul from elsewhere in California and the country. In almost every race, Republican candidates raised a larger percentage of their individual itemized donations from in-district donors than their Democratic challengers — a sign that the Democrats were better able to harness attention on the state’s congressional battlegrounds from around the nation. And several of the candidates found huge success fundraising from the Bay Area in particular. “We saw an explosion in online national fundraising this cycle that Republicans weren’t able to take advantage of,” said Maclen Zilber, a Democratic political consultant in Los Angeles who worked on several congressional campaigns this year. “That is a problem Republicans are going to have to rectify if they want to be competitive in future campaigns.” The incoming flow of outsider cash played a big role in the Democrats’ success taking back the majority in the House of Representatives, including historic wins in California, where newcomer Democrats claimed Republican-held seats in some of the Golden State’s most conservative strongholds. The calculations don’t include most smaller donations of $200 or less, which campaigns aren’t required to report individually. The Democrats mostly had a higher portion of small-dollar donations than their opponents: Cox, for example, received about 23 percent of his funds from small dollar contributions, while those donations made up less than 7 percent of the fundraising haul for his opponent, Republican Rep. David Valadao. Republicans also got a larger portion of their money from political action committees instead of individual donors. The only Democratic candidate who took in a higher percentage of their total locally than their Republican opponent was Orange County law professor Katie Porter. She raised 13.8 percent of her haul in individual contributions from her district, while incumbent Rep. Mimi Walters got 11 percent. The Democrats actually raised more money than the Republicans from within their districts — they just raised a whole lot more from outside as well. Of the $25.5 million total that the Democratic candidates raised in individual itemized donations, only $2.4 million came from within their respective districts, or 9.5 percent. The Republican candidates, in comparison, raised $2.1 million of their total $10 million from within their districts, or 21 percent. The lopsided percentages left some Republicans grumbling. Lydia Kanno, the president of Modesto Republican Women, said she doubted Democrat Josh Harder would have defeated incumbent Central Valley Republican Rep. Jeff Denham without his massive fundraising advantage — 95 percent of which came from outside the district. “His money came from people who don’t care at all about our district, they just want to have this seat and win Congress,” Kanno said. Several of the Democratic victors reaped big totals from the Bay Area in particular: Nearly 60 percent of the total that Harder raised from specific individuals came from the region. His Modesto-area district borders the Bay Area and has many residents who commute back and forth, and he worked as a venture capital investor in San Francisco before moving home to Turlock to run for Congress. “We drive across district lines to go to work or take our kids to school,” Zilber said. “It doesn’t necessarily mean that there isn’t a shared community of interest there.” In all, Bay Area donors gave $7.4 million to the seven Democrats. Doug Linney, a strategist with the Democratic group Flip the 14, said he had never seen Democratic congressional campaigns from elsewhere in California make as strong an effort to raise funds in the Bay Area. Candidates held multiple in-person fundraising events, for example, in his hometown of Alameda. “I’d barely ever seen any fundraisers for congressional candidates around here in the past,” Linney said. One reason for the prevalence of outsider money: Almost all the Democratic contenders were first-time candidates who didn’t have established donor bases. Many of the GOP incumbents, on the other hand, had been in Congress or other elected offices for years and had built relationships with local donors. Democratic candidates running in wealthier districts, like the Orange County’s 45th and 48th, also tended to get a larger chunk of their cash from close to home, while those in poorer districts like the Central Valley’s 10th and 21st had far more out-of-district fundraising. Among out-of-state urban areas, Democrats got their most money from New York, Washington, D.C., Chicago, Seattle, and Philadelphia while Republicans got the most from Washington, New York, Miami, Las Vegas and Chicago. While the Democratic fundraising advantage at the campaign level was important, both parties also benefited from huge spending by independent groups bankrolled by out-of-state billionaires like casino magnate Sheldon Adelson and former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg. They each gave millions of dollars to super PACs that don’t have donation limits. Now, California Republican operatives picking up the pieces are wondering how they can reverse the Democratic candidates’ cash advantage in future elections. “For a member of Congress to have the advantage of the incumbency and still be outspent in some cases three, four or five to one is overwhelming,” said Matt Rexroad, a GOP strategist who worked on Rep. Steve Knight’s losing Los Angeles County campaign. He singled out the impact of online fundraising tools like ActBlue, which makes it easy for fired-up Democrats to send small online donations to candidates across the country with just a few clicks. Those donors included Lizzy LeRud, a 33-year-old postdoctoral fellow studying American poetry at Emory University in Atlanta, who sent $250 each to California Democrats Katie Porter and Katie Hill in October. Lerud, who had never made political donations before this year, decided to support female candidates like the two Katies in the wake of Brett Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court confirmation hearing — and was surprised at how simple it was to give money through ActBlue. “I understand that women don’t traditionally get the party funds and could use the outside support,” Lerud said. “I guess I’m part of a wave.” Methodology: We downloaded the list of 2017-18 individual itemized contributions for each candidate in California’s seven flipped districts from the Federal Election Commission. FEC reports do not specify which district a donor lives in, so we analyzed each donor’s address to determine whether they were giving to their local race or not. First, we used each donor’s ZIP Code Tabulation Area based on a table published by the U.S. Census Bureau. In cases where a donor’s ZIP code overlapped multiple congressional districts, which is fairly common, we used Google’s Civic Information API to search by street address and the House of Representatives website to search using the more precise nine-digit ZIP code, when available. Donors who reported post office boxes as addresses were excluded from the analysis, as were a small portion of other donors whose addresses could not be accurately matched to a congressional district. Donations and loans from the candidates themselves were also excluded.